The Observer: Oiling the machinery of 
war 
By Eric Watkins
Posted 28 May 2004 
The governments of the US and the UK have always insisted that oil had nothing 
to do with the invasion of Iraq. But few Iraqis are convinced of that, and many 
have sought to prevent control of their oil by what they call the "occupation 
authorities".
Iraqi oil assets are formidable. Industry sources say Iraq contains 115 billion 
barrels of proven oil reserves, the third largest in the world behind Saudi 
Arabia and Canada.
But Iraq could have even larger amounts of oil, since only about 10 per cent of 
the country has been explored.
Some analysts believe that deep oil-bearing formations located mainly in the 
country's unexplored Western Desert could yield another 100bn barrels or more.
With such resources there is clearly much at stake and little wonder that Iraqis 
want to retain control.
"Iraq is a nationalist country that is not going to destroy its national 
resources but that won't hand them over to foreigners either," according to 
Youssef Ibrahim, managing director of Strategic Energy Investment Group, which 
advises banks and oil companies on energy supply and geopolitical risk.
"In this respect the real battle for oil is now on," Ibrahim said last year, 
explaining that "The occupying force will have to contend with some 60,000 Iraqi 
oil technocrats, who will never accept American hegemony and will sabotage the 
plan if necessary."
Saboteurs have indeed been at work on the Iraqi oil infrastructure over the past 
year, and they have been effective.
From as early as June 2003 they were busily bombing the pipelines that allow 
exports from the country's northern oilfields around Kirkuk.
The bombers have successfully launched as many as 100 attacks on the northern 
pipeline system, and have managed to shut down the country's exports along that 
route.
They have also blown up domestic pipelines and storage tanks to prevent use of 
the oil on the home market. As a result, Iraqi oil is being pumped back into the 
ground for the lack of any other place to put it.
And the saboteurs have not confined themselves to infrastructure.
Last November 10, Mohammed al-Zibari, distribution manager for the Oil 
Distribution Company was shot and wounded in the northern city of Mosul in what 
seems to be the first assassination attempt on officials from an Iraqi oil firm. 
Zibari's son was killed in the attack.
Less than two weeks later, Abdel Salam Qanbar, an Iraqi police colonel in charge 
of security for oil installations in Mosul was shot and killed by unknown 
attackers.
The northern pipeline system, when operating at full capacity, can send some 
900,000 barrels per day of oil to world markets. But even at its current reduced 
capacity of around 600,000 bpd, the system could earn substantial export 
revenues.
US Administrator for Iraq, Ambassador L. Paul Bremer III last year estimated 
that sabotage and intimidation are costing the country around $7m per day in 
export earnings from its northern fields.
As a result, Iraq has had to depend solely on exports of oil pumped from its 
southern fields through two export terminals on the Persian Gulf - one at the 
Basra Oil Terminal and the other at nearby Khor al-Amaya.
Through them, Iraq has been able to ship a reported 1.7m bpd to world markets - 
about 85 per cent of the volumes being exported before the war.
Not surprisingly, in April, saboteurs turned their attention to this southern 
route, using three explosives-laden boats in a coordinated suicide attack on the 
export terminal.
Having stopped exports from Iraq's northern fields, the saboteurs knew that a 
successful attack on the two ports could shut down the country's entire export 
capacity and undermine the US-led war effort.
A successful attack would also have disrupted life as far away as California, 
where shipments of Iraqi oil resumed in August 2003, just three months after the 
end of the war.
Indeed, ChevronTexaco, based in San Ramon, California, was the first US firm to 
get a contract from Iraq following the war, for 2m barrels, and later signed a 
second contract for Basra crude covering August through December last year.
The shipments marked the first time that Iraqi oil had reached Californian 
shores since the US launched its invasion. In addition to unseating Saddam 
Hussein, Operation Enduring Freedom represented, according to the San Francisco 
Chronicle, "a big step toward normalcy for California drivers."
Before the war disrupted shipments, Iraq had been California's biggest source of 
foreign oil, accounting for 20.1 per cent of all the state's imports in 2002, or 
6.09 per cent of total supplies.
Japan also would have been hit by a successful attack on Iraq's southern export 
terminals.
Last December, Japan's Showa Shell Sekiyu KK, a member of the Royal 
Dutch/Shell Group, announced plans to double its purchases of Iraqi crude oil, 
raising imports from about 620,000 barrels in December to 1.13m barrels in 
January.
Ranked third in market share for gasoline sales and fifth in petroleum products 
sales in Japan, Showa Shell planned to acquire Basra Light crude oil through its 
top shareholder Royal Dutch/Shell Group.
Given that Showa Shell procures about 16.5m barrels of crude oil per month, the 
Iraqi oil accounted for around 7 per cent of its total imports.
Although the attacking boats failed to reach their targets, they still succeeded 
in raising insurance rates for tankers carrying oil exports - creating a 
so-called "terror premium" and making Iraqi oil more expensive on world markets.
Lloyd's of London broker Tyser & Co. reported that all lead marine underwriters 
were charging higher additional premiums for ships calling at Iraqi ports as a 
result of the bombing attempt on the Basra and Khor al-Amaya oil terminals.
Iraqi oil has traditionally been less expensive than that produced by other 
countries such as Saudi Arabia, due to lower exploration and production costs. 
As a result, oil companies around the globe have been eager to sign supply 
contracts with Baghdad.
But price is not everything in the oil business, and what counts more is 
security of supply, and that is where Iraq's saboteurs are making their mark.
· Eric Watkins writes on world oil, shipping and security.
http://observer.guardian.co.uk/business/story/0,6903,1210143,00.html